The Two Main Theories Of Nationalism Politics Essay

The Two Main Theories Of Nationalism Politics Essay During this assignment I will discuss the two main theories of nationalism and how it came about. The two main theories I will discuss are primordial ad constructivism. The fundamental definitions of nationalism will be primarily defined independently; afterwards nationalism will be justified as not being exclusive to any one of these theories but instead that they are linked together due to the complexity of politics and social transformation. Primordial nationalism is the theory that nations have a national identity embedded, nations are rooted in a common cultural heritage and language  [1]  where nationalism is not an ideology and that it is natural and instinctive. The constructivists theory states that national identity is forged in response to social and historical circumstances where it has an ideological basis for it to exist this also extends to the idea of nationalism used through the political dimensions and state power to achieve political objectives which is a polit ical ideological system.  [2]   Ideology In order to discuss the difficulties of defining nationalism it is essential we understand what ideology is. Ideology is an inherently subjective collection of ideas, or concepts, about how power should be, or is, ordered within society  [3]  . This ideology is to be understood by great masses of people, and it is about how to use power within a society. Primordial Nationalism: Primordial nationalism focuses on historic and inherent social practices as the source of the roots of its nation. The most fundamental factors of primordial nationalism are: That people are inherently group orientated and nations are a product of this. National identity is forged by common descent, shared language and a sense of territorial belonging. Nations are historical entities Nationalism is characterised by deep emotional attachments that resemble kinship ties. individuals identify with families, villages, regions, age, sex groups, classes, religions, ethnic and national communities  [4]   Such views are shared with philosophers such as Johann Herder who argues that each nation has a volksgeist which is the spirit of the people which expresses itself through song, myths and legends.  [5]   Anthony Smith, The Ethnic sources of Nationalism Anthony Smith advances the studies of primordial nationalism emphasising the continuity with modern nations and pre modern ethnic communities which he calls Ethnies  [6]  . He views pre modern ethnic communities as a template for modern states. For a nation to be present he believes that the most fundamental factors in achieving nationalism are namesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦myth of a common ancestryà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦importance of historical memoriesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦shared cultureà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦attachment to a specific territory [and]à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ finally an element of solidarity  [7]  . From Anthony smith beliefs, there are three basic processes of ethno national transformation which is the transition from Ethnies to an ethnic nation. Ethno-nationalism is the ideology of uniting an ethno-cultural group with territory by way of genealogy  [8]  . The first process is called Vernacular Mobilization which involves the rediscovery of indigenous traditions, customs, symbols, memories and language by ethnic intellectuals. E.g. Quebecois nationalist movement. The second process is known as Cultural Politicization, in which the communitys cultural heritage is treated as a political resource, where what use to be regarded as traditions now become weapons in a cultural war waged both against outsiders and against the guardians of tradition e.g. Indian nationalism. The third process is known as ethnic purification which is a consequence of the other two processes. It begins with a return to the popular vernacular which is used specifically for political purposes and incorporates a belief in the sanctity of that culture. To preserve the culture it must be kept away from undesirable influences  [9]  . A good example of primordial nationalism is the Rwandan genocide in 1994 where in and around 800 people were murdered. It is argued that it was due to ethnicity and rivals between ethnic groups. The Hutu which were an ethnic group in Rwanda felt they needed to kill their ethnic neighbours the Tutsi so they could gain establishment and distinction of others ethnic identities. Constructivist theory: The constructivist theory states that national identity is forged in response to social and historical circumstances in which nationalism is a method of finding replacements for the loss of some cultural concepts. Constructivism links the origins of nationalism to the process of modernization. Constructivism can be related to three very important themes which are: The emergence of industrial economies which created new social tensions and broke traditional social bonds which begged the need for a national identity for the people. States play an important role in creating a sense of national identity which constructs a nation. The spread of mass education and mass literacy was a massive contribution towards national identity.  [10]   Ernst Gellner, Nations and Nationalism Ernst Gellner a philosopher stated that emerging industrial societies promoted social mobility and competition which inevitably required a new source of cultural cohesion which was to be provided by nationalism. Nationalism invented the nation not the other way around, Having a nation is not an inherent attribute of humanity but it has now come to appear as such  [11]  . He illustrates and discusses a nation in which for two men to be in the same nation requires two things: Common culture, as in a mutual understanding of each others meanings Recognition of mutual rights and duties to each other and virtue of shared membership in it. Benidict Anderson, Imagined Communities Benidict Anderson, an Irish academic, views nations as an imagined community  [12]  where individuals only meet a fraction of those with whom they share a national identity with. His theory of imagined communities suggests that nationalism is constructed through common literacy, common language, education, mass media and political socialization and that a nation as a community can only be imagined due to the sheer number of people who never see each other and the loss off supranational religions and political identities. It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their the minds of each lives the image of their communion.  [13]   Constructivism through political views In re-constructing the political order of a society it is essential to have new ideologies, this has led to modern nations being built on philosophical grounds. A good example of this would be the USA which was founded on the principals of liberalism  [14]  . Once this ideological basis has being formed a historical identity is creation for the nation. Through this new discovery of the past cultural bonds and an essence of relationship between people is formed. Constructivism portrays nationalism quite clearly as an ideology. An extension to the constructivism theory is the political view of nationalism which states that nationalism has its objective of gaining and using state power. This form of nationalism relates to political movements already existing in states where they use the concept of the nation where the interests of the nation are supposed to take priority over all other interests where the nation has full sovereignty. Realistically its a response to the distinction between state and society, nationalism eliminates the distinction between cultural and political life where it soon becomes a dictatorship. Political Nationalism utilizes the perceived culture of society for the purpose of gaining political power.  [15]   Eric Hobsbawm, The invention of Tradition Marxists such as Eric Hobsbawm tend to view nationalism as a device through which the ruling class counters the threat of social revolution by ensuring that national loyalty is stronger than class solidarity thereby binding the working class to the existing power structure. Hobsbawm beliefs are that nations and nationalism is a product of modernism and have been created as a means to political and economic ends  [16]  . He discusses the inventions of tradition which are products of social creation which are engineered to serve the interests of the elites. After the invention those traditions establish continuity and use history as a legitimate action and cement a groups cohesion  [17]  . When a state is under pressure they would target class, church and the nation where they transferred people into citizens of a particular state, peasants into Frenchmen  [18]  . He believes that nationalism does not make states visa versa that states make nations. Hobsbawm argues that, at the time of the French revolution In 1789 only have of the people spoke some French and between 12%-13% spoke it fairly  [19]  . Nationalism is created at the top. True nationalist feelings will only occur if the needs of the average person can be achieved from it.  [20]   A good example of this would be Bismarckian unification with Germany in 1871. The inventions of traditions manifested with the concepts of cultural, political and military supremacy in which it could claim the right to be united as a single greater German state. This unification was the only historical experience which the citizens had in common. The Franco-German war was central as Germany had a national tradition which they clearly wanted to emphasise, they emphasised it through ceremonials and rituals invented. One gymnasium record there were no less than 10 ceremonies between august 1895 and march 1896 recalling the 25th anniversary of the Franco-Prussian war. Posen Barry Nationalism, the Mass Army, and Military Power Posen another philosopher argues that nationalism is caused due to preparation of war and mass mobilization warfare. Nationalism is purveyed by states for the express purpose of improving their military capabilities  [21]  . Nationalism helps generate the individual commitment to make for military combat. The anarchical condition of international relations revolves around his idea of nationalism and why it is constructed. There are two aspects to his idea of nationalism which constitute literacy and ideology which are subject to state action, states institute compulsory education and engage in propaganda because military and political leaders believe that such ideas enhance the commitment of the groups to the purpose of the war to increase their willingness to sacrifice their lives  [22]  . He discusses the war between Prussia and France emphasising how large masses when used, needed nationalism where people were bred not trained. Political propaganda was used through journals and pamphlets which were often read aloud. There was an increased emphasis in literacy within the army as criterion for promotion. In 1794 it was made compulsory for commissioned and non- commissioned officers to read and write. John Lynn stated that these efforts were highly successful. Not only did they contribute to the well- known elan of these French troops, but they encouraged a rise in self- and group-imposed standards of performance and sacrifice. These standards facilitated the rapid training of these French troops, which he concludes was critical to their developing combat power. Without strong normative compliance, large scale reliance on open-order combat would have been out of the question. Conclusion Through my studies of nationalism and its main theoretical approaches I have come to the understanding and conclusion that nationalism is neither exclusively constructed or primordial, that it is a combination of these two theoretical approaches which forms the concept of nationalism. I believe that nationalism is founded primarily naturally and that the need to build a fundamental power structure influences the ignition of constructivism. Primordial nationalism acts a building block towards constructivism, without either of these two theoretical approaches nationalism would not exist.

The Stranger Cultural Analysis Essay -- Literary Analysis

This Novel, by Albert Camus, traces a year in the life of a young clerk, Meursault, in the 1940s who works for a shipping company in Algiers. The first thing that happens to Meursault is that he gets a telegram that his mother has departed. He takes a bus to see her and they hold the vigil. He shows no expression of remorse or sadness. Once back in Algiers Meursault goes to the public beach for a swim. There, he runs into Marie Cardona, his former co-worker. They decide to go on a date and they see a comedy movie, which is ironic after his mother’s death, and they sleep together during the night. The next day he spends just watching people in the street. That next day Meursault returns to work and works all day and while at his apartment Meursault runs into Salamano, an old man who lives in his building and owns a mangy dog. He also runs into his neighbor Raymond, who is suspected to be a pimp. Raymond invites Meursault to dinner and asks Meursault to write a nasty letter to t his girl who cheated on Raymond, and Meursault complies. The next Saturday Marie comes over and asks if Meursault loves her, he doesn’t love her and doesn’t show it, and at night Meursault runs into Salamano who is crying over his dog who ran away. The following Sunday Meursault, Marie, and Raymond go to a beach house owned by Masson, one of Raymonds friends. They run into the girl’s, of whom they wrote the letter to, brothers and a knife is pulled on Raymond and cuts him. They both go different ways and later Meursault shoots one of the girl’s brothers. Meursault is then sent to jail and put on trial. He shows no remorse and over time he goes through more trials after being in prison for over a year and he is sentenced to death by the guillotine. The setting... ... has done, and to free him from his entanglement. Works Cited Bufacchi, Vittorio, and Laura Fairrie. "Execution as Torture." Peace Review 13.4 (2001): 511-517. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 26 Apr. 2011. Camus, Albert, and Matthew Ward. The Stranger. New York: Knopf, 1993. Print. 24 Apr. 2011. de Cavarlay, Bruno Aubusson. "Can criminal statistics still be of scientific use? The French criminal justice system 1813-1980." Historical Methods 26.2 (1993): 69. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 26 Apr. 2011. Scherr, Arthur. "Camus's THE STRANGER." Explicator 59.3 (2001): 149. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 24 Apr. 2011. Scott, Nathan A. Albert Camus. New York: Hillary House, 1962. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 24 Apr. 2011. Strange, Alice J. "Camus' The Stranger." Explicator 56.1 (1997): 36. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 24 Apr. 2011.

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Name : Nguyen Cong Duy Class : AE2a A Happy Campus A happy campus is an interesting and happy place to study and relax. People feel comfortable when they come here. A happy city is well-designed and there are many good facilities. There are also many places for education environment. Many people come from over the world. People in a happy campus want to create a active environment. Although they may come from difference backgrounds, they are able to respect each other and share ideas.They can enjoy influences from other cultures such as different languages, and take part in multicultural events. There are many good facilities in a happy campus. Campus has a big space with sports facilities such as: four artificial football field, one swimming pool, one badminton field, one basketball court, one tennis court and gyms, and campus has green trees and friendly environment which students can take a rest and play team sports to relax after stressed study hours.Some good equipment in happy campus need to study such as: computer library, projectors, television, sports facilities and a lot of books which are good for students with their free time. A happy campus need to have a good education environment. There are many clubs for students to join such as commerce, English, finance and marketing clubs in their free time. In addition, students can study group in free time and take part in outside activities such as: playing team sports, going swimming and playing active games together which were created by students.

Economic Interest as a Guideline for U.S. Foreign Policy in Latin America †History Essay

Economic Interest as a Guideline for U.S. Foreign Policy in Latin America – History Essay Free Online Research Papers Economic Interest as a Guideline for U.S. Foreign Policy in Latin America History Essay The United States foreign policy in Latin America is based in a desire to protect US economic interests there. While national security, ideology, and domestic policy are factors that influence US foreign policy in the region as well, they still reflect the desire of the United States to maintain a Latin America that jives with a capitalist, United States economy friendly vision. When the United States has pursued a policy in Latin America that becomes justified mostly by ideology rather than a need for protection of economic interests, efforts are made to redefine the policy from within a framework of an economic relationship. When it becomes plausible to introduce legislation that suggests creating a policy with a Latin American country whose focus lies in creating better trade and investment relations, it supports that of the existing policy. This is because the policy was created in response to a situation where the capitalist relations that the United States desired with the country were not possible or approaching such a situation. In 1824 the United States issued the Monroe Doctrine, stating the United States invitation for European powers to stay out of the western hemisphere and should they not, the United States may, at any time, intervene. This is a policy that was motivated by national security and economic interests. Yet as the first real bit of attention the United States paid to Latin America, it was not really foreign policy toward Latin America. The Monroe Doctrine was issued as a statement of foreign policy toward (or more appropriately against) Europe. As an action in the interest of national security, however, there was little for the Monroe Doctrine to deter and indeed â€Å"the perceived threats were greatly exaggerated by Americans at the time.† The United States interest in Latin American relations was sparked by the opportunity to promote and maintain the United States economic interests in the independent Latin America that no longer adhered to Spanish-imposed trade restrictions. The United States, then under Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, sought to establish diplomatic relations with several states of Latin America in 1821. This was the extent to which the United States pursued some formal policy in Latin America, only securing United States trade interests, but not vigorously creating or opening new markets. The isolationist United States opted to maintain minimum interaction to ensure stable trade. Today an isolationist United States seems not only unlikely, but more close to impossible. As a young nation the United States was satisfied with the stable trading it enjoyed with its southern neighbors, until, of course, that stability was threatened. In 1898 Senator Henry Teller looked to protect his constituents who were sugar beet growers from the competition of the profitable sugar cane industry in Cuba by proposing the anti-annexation amendment to the war resolution concerning Cuba. While this avoided problems with Teller’s constituents, it also left an ambiguous place for the official status of Cuba after the war was over. The war for Cuban independence was over and though the United States would not annex Cuba as a territory, this did not mean that Cuba would become automatically a sovereign state. Cuba’s autonomous government would be developed very much with strings attached. From the United States’ point of view, the Cuban government could not be expe cted to develop democratically and tranquilly on its own without being vulnerable. The United States continued to occupy Cuba for several years until the Platt Amendment could be foisted upon the island, giving the United States â€Å"the right to intervene for†¦the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty.† Hereafter Cuba was independent as long as it behaved well. The United States would be able to control the government and economy of Cuba, which was preferable because the United States could manipulate politics and trade in Cuba to comply with the economic interests of the United States. The era of Latin American independence from Spain spurned a ripple of political turmoil that even today makes waves. During and leading up the Spanish-American War, the United States had not yet developed an ideological rhetoric that influenced foreign policy and so responded to the Cuban-Spanish conflict on the most practical level. The conflict was affecting US trade and it seemed that a free Cuba would offer wider and more consistent trade opportunities. In 1896 the secretary of state of the United States issued a statement â€Å"describing the disruptive effect of the conflict on US economic interests and the dangers faced by US citizens living in Cuba† and â€Å"politely suggested that the Spanish permit limited home rule.† While several events precipitated U.S. involvement in the Cuban-Spanish conflict (lobbies, yellow journalism, explosion on the Maine), President Cleveland recognized the importance of U.S. trading and investment in the region, and that a prolonged conflict would compromise these interest. In other words, while other circumstances may have encouraged the conflict, the initial interest in Cuba and eventual engagement in war was based on the US interest in protecting individual US citizens’ investments and the US economy as a whole, which stood to lose out because of the civil conflict. After the United States took control of Cuba from Spain, the negotiation of settling Cuban independence was still primarily controlled by United States desire to ensure a trouble free trade zone: the Platt Amendment allowed the US to intervene in Cuban affairs whenever it deemed necessary. This marked the beginning of a model of US policy that would be tried and true by the birth of the Cold War. The idea of a canal in Central America connecting the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific was many years in coming when France finally decided to begin building one in Panama. The United States had been researching the possibility of building a canal as well, but in Nicaragua. The benefits of a canal were obvious: a route that does not include circumventing all of South America in order to ship goods to the pacific coast increases trade and lowers shipping costs, which in turn secures and expands United States economic interests in the United States. Eventually, France abandoned its beginning of a canal for lack of money and left it to United States to pick up the slack. Colombia, however, was unwilling to accept the United States treaty that would allow them to control the canal after it was built. In this case the United States proceeded to insert itself in Latin American affairs in the hopes of creating and controlling trade instead of protecting existing interests. The Panama Canal was not an economic interest of the United States’ insofar as they had no formal right to it, but stabilizing a revolutionary state could obtain it the right to that interest. The United States assisted the independence of Panama from Colombia in exchange for a treaty that satisfied the United States desire to build and control a canal there. And in the process it also managed to cross the line between protecting its economic interests and being an economic imperialist. President Taft, in his valedictory message said that his policy had been â€Å"directed to the increase of American Trade upon the axiomatic principle that the Government of the United States shall extend all proper support to every legitimate and beneficial American enterprise abroad.† The United States was involved in dozens of interventional actions in Latin America during the19th and 2oth century, and â€Å"every case began with US government intervention, after which the government officials brokered a financial arrangement between the intervened Latin American government and the US private sector.† The Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine is yet another response to an economic interest. By claiming the right to essentially manage the foreign debt of any Latin American country that could not do so itself, the United States skillfully inserted itself into what amounted to a debt crisis in Latin America. US citizens had invested in the asphalt industry in Venezuela, and like France and Germany, were demanding their repayment. The United States stepped in and took control of financial matters, as it had in the Dominican Republic and as it would in Nicaragua. Interventions took on large and small matters: In 1853 â€Å"Marines landed on the Atlantic coast to settle a dispute between Vanderbilt’ trust company and local Nicaraguan Authorities. They resolved it in Vanderbilt’s favor of course.† The United States â€Å"intervened twenty-one times between 1898 and 1924.† The fear of enduring a Chile under the auspices of a socialist and possible communist, no matter how democratically elected was cause for alarm enough for the United States government embark on an aggressive campaign to make sure that the fairly elected Salvador Allende was not able to establish a sovereign, independent, and respected administration. The type of government that Allende was representing threatened to influence a trend in the rest of the region which would deteriorate the efforts towards capitalist free trade that the US still pursues today. After failing to throw his election, the US idea was to destroy the Chilean economy, kill Allende and replace him with the military dictator Augusto Pinochet. The argument that Robert Pastor happens to presents in favor of NAFTA is absolutely applicable to the situation of Cuba. He postulates that rejecting it â€Å"would reinforce authoritarianism; accepting it would raise the cost of electoral fraud. It would be very difficult to keep the political system closed if the economic system was opening.† Legislation being introduced by several Congress members at this time to lift the embargo on Cuba use this argument as a basis for their proposal to change the means of United States foreign policy to effect the same end that was desired before. The United States relationship with Cuba is being re-evaluated by those in the government through a lens that focuses on the economic opportunity that lay there for their constituents while at the same time suggesting what has been seen to happen in other Latin American countries: a opening of the political system that can be interpreted as a democratization. This is indeed the United States’ goal in Cuba and a re-evaluation of the failing US policy toward Cuba was brought to the drawing board after 30 plus years because of the realization that Cuba represents a lucrative market for US farmers and industries. As the United States’ policy toward Cuba became ineffective and stale, the framework to suggest a change had to come from and trade point of view. Economic is th e only driving force powerful enough to challenge a way of doing things that is based on nothing more than and aging ideology that is floundering without economic benefits to back it. Although there may be perturbations in relations with Latin America that alter the nature of US policies there, these will be modified and re-hauled with the goal of edging out the economic advantage in mind. Indeed, in a near conflict-less relationship, international relations with Latin America are based on creating a strong trade relationship, as in the case of Mexico. For the United States, Mà ©xico has represented a comparatively stable political and economic environment. It can hardly be argued that Mà ©xico has maintained a democratic operation but because Mà ©xico has been able to maintain political stability in the form of calculated control, US foreign policy towards Latin America focuses primarily on developing trade and investment. Mà ©xico has preferred to limit its relations with the US, but the perpetuation of the â€Å"revolution† as inherent in Mà ©xico and its development helped the elites keep social upheaval at bay. The United States was never alarmed by instability in Mà ©xico and so had no reason to go there and â€Å"promote democracy†. Despite a revolution, a debt crisis, and a peso crisis, Mà ©xico is a â€Å"country historically cautious about relations with its powerful northern neighbor,† but United States’ effort to alleviate the stress of Mà ©xico’s economic shortcomings have bee n welcomed and social unrest has been successful oppressed. When he took office, United States President Carter wanted to make the US relationship with Mà ©xico a priority in order to â€Å"restore the financial community’s confidence in Mà ©xico.† The discovery of oil in Mà ©xico around the same time ensured this. Negotiations ensued over United States investment in the newly discovered resource. When the economic interests behind US involvement in a Latin American government become obsolete, instead of abandoning the policy, the United States tends to let the policy stand on the feet of security and ideology. When ideology is the only force behind a policy it can be neutral or even detrimental to US economic interests. When this has become apparent in US history, the policy tends to be questioned and eventually redefined within the context of US economic interest. This is the case is Cuba, where after 40 years of embargo, several bills are being introduced in the Congress that repeal the embargo. Although the wording of the bills suggest that opening US markets to Cuba will be a more effective way to undermine the Castro regime that the embargo (which very well may be true), there are other interests that are more compelling for the congressman that are involved. Many of them are from states where the businesses such as agriculture will benefit greatly from trade with the Cu ban market. There was no compelling reason, according to John Quincy Adams and many of his contemporaries, to actively pursue diplomacy south of the United States. Only when it was inconvenient for the United States to endure the turmoil that lay south, so to speak, did the US intervene in the region. As US-Latin American relations matured and the United States intervened as an authority, an accompanying ideology began to develop that superceded this tenet. Just as in the Platt Amendment, the US began seeking, whether deliberately or not, insurance for long term compliance. The reasoning that Latin Americans are a people that must be herded along and that they need the structure that the United States has to offer in order to save them from themselves was invoked over years. United States ideology developed as a belief that United States’ model of government and culture is the framework for a society where the United States has the reasonable and noble interest of protecting its citizens’ interests in trade and investment. These guidelines or expectations that delineate the ideal United States neighbor became an ideology that justified United States policies through moral and humanistic lenses. United States ideology derived from a need to support its pursuit of economic interests. As a young nation on a frontier, Manifest Destiny was the main way to describe the future of the United States development in the early nineteenth century. Having more land increased the wealth and expanded the economy of the United States. Manifest Destiny justified for many Americans their right to do so. In the 20th century the promotion of democracy was and continues to be a central focus of United States goals for Latin America. In between these two eras, the United States policies in Latin America have covered a wide range of levels of intervention, kind of intervention, and levels of power in relationships, but the driving force behind the seemingly amorphous stream of communication is finding the most efficient way to create wealth for Americans. â€Å"US leaders envisioned an international order wherein each and every nation would keep an ‘open door’ through which the capitalist businessmen could come and go at will† and â€Å"†¦peace and stability throughout the world were absolutely essential to the success of this ‘Open Door’ vision† Whereas â€Å"upheavals interrupted the free flow of trade,† political harmony facilitates it, and vice versa. Therefore, regardless of the reasoning and situation behind foreign policy in Latin America, an interest in maintaining and bettering the American economy lies at the base. 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What Its Like to Co-Write One Book With Ten Authors

What Its Like to Co-Write One Book With Ten Authors What It's Like to Co-Write One Book With Ten Authors Tanja Rohini Bisgaard is Norwegian and writes short fiction about a future world where the environment has changed as a result of pollution, climate change, and extensive use of natural resources. In this article, she talks about what it's like to co-write a book with ten authors - ten authors who all have different styles and processes, but one common passion: protecting the environment. I whole-heartedly believe that fiction can make a difference in the world. At the beginning of the project, there was skepticism regarding the challenge of publishing a book with 10 different authors. Writing can be such a solitary and personal experience for authors - allowing not one, but nine other writers into the process can be a daunting thought! But I believed in the idea and today the project is a reality. Joining forces to produce a book with a group of people who share the conviction that fiction can make a difference in the world was an incredibly rewarding experience.2047: Short Stories from Our Common Future is available on Amazon and Amazon Kindle.Please share your thoughts, experiences, or any questions for Tanja Bisgaard  in the comments below!

Information Security Program Survey Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Information Security Program Survey - Essay Example As described in its website, VA is one of the world’s largest consolidated IT organizations and the department’s Office of Information Technology has a $3.1 billion budget for the current fiscal period. The organization operates nearly 800 community based outpatient clinics and 152 medical centers. In addition, it possesses over, 300,000 desktop computers, 30,000 laptop computers, and roughly 450,000 email accounts (CRISP). Recently, the VA has implemented the Continuous Readiness in Information Security Program (CRISP) to enhance the privacy of information about Veterans and their families. This information security program greatly fits the VA’s FY 2010-2014 strategic plan because this program notably contributes to value optimization and stakeholder satisfaction. However, the organization has been performing poorly in major information security control areas for long years. This issue has limited the performance efficiency of the CRISP to a certain extent. The costs and benefits of the CRISP development and execution are yet to be known. VA’s Strategic Plan The VA strives to be people-centric, result-driven, and forward looking (VA strategic plan). All operations of the department are directed towards promoting the wellbeing of Veterans and their families. ... It also aims to meet Veteran client satisfaction by delivering improved ‘health, education, training, counseling, financial, and burial benefits and services’. Another key objective of FY 2010-2014 strategic plan is to improve the willingness to deliver services and to protect people and their properties on a continuous basis, and particularly in times of crises. Finally, this strategic plan also strives to â€Å"improve internal customer satisfaction with management systems and support services to achieve mission performance and make VA an employer of choice by investing in human capital† (VA strategic plan). Information security program The VA has established the Continuous Readiness in Information Security Program (CRISP) by coalescing different information security initiatives. The major purpose of this program is to strengthen the security of information about Veterans, particularly health care records. This information security program is characterized with â€Å"unannounced audits, surveys, and self-assessments† (CRISP). The department claims that this program is very effective to ensure the confidentiality of sensitive information about Veterans. Actually, CRISP began as an initiative to ensure the department’s 334,000 employees 100 percent comply with mandatory security and privacy awareness training. The CRISP is completely in line with the department’s â€Å"long-standing security policies, including the provision of consistent, centralized training on IT security, records security, and privacy awareness†. The most part of the training is based on internet. In addition to following the traditional policies, the

Homework 5 Speech or Presentation Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Homework 5 - Speech or Presentation Example 2) Historically, the average amount of time to assemble an electronic component on a production line has been 14 minutes. The supervisor of this production line is interested in determining whether this is no longer true. Assume that assembly time is normally distributed with a known population standard deviation of 3.4 minutes. The supervisor times the assembly of 25 randomly chosen components, and finds that the average time to assemble is 12.6 minutes. Is there sufficient evidence to suggest that the population mean assembly time is not 14 minutes at the 1% level of significance? What is the p-value? 3) The manufacturer of a new chewing gum asserts that at least 80% of dentists prefer their type of gum. An independent consumer research firm decides to test their claim. The findings of a sample of 200 dentists indicate that 76% of respondents actually prefer the manufacturers gum. At the 5% level, is there sufficient evidence to suggest that the population proportion of dentists who prefer the manufacturers gum is less than 80%? What is the p-value? 4) A college professor is interested in determining the relationship between the number of hours a student sleeps prior to an exam and a students exam grade. The joint distribution is assumed bivariate normal. The professor draws a random sample of four students and records each students exam grade and hours of sleep preceding the exam. These data are found in the table below. The professor runs a simple regression, but has misplaced her regression output. Recognizing that Exam Grade is the dependent variable and Hours of Sleep is the sole independent variable, she asks you to perform the