Hanna Mina Fragments of Memory Essay Example

Hanna Mina Fragments of Memory Essay Hanna Mina’s novel Fragments of Memory follows an unnamed, young boy in late 1930s French mandated Syria. Throughout the narrative, there are strong themes of gender and family, class struggle, and also influence of political and economic forces on people. Upon further analysis, it is apparent that this seemingly autobiographical novel tells us very true and intimate details about the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I. The once great Ottoman Empire has fallen into shambles of what was a mighty world power. It is a poor and seemingly helpless society that is facing the true devastating, effects of war, imperialism and an imbalance of power. It is evident that pressures from the French mandate after World War I have thrown the empire into a state of despair and the majority of its citizens are left to feel the impact. Not only are the common people of Syria disadvantaged by the French themselves, but also by the continuously growing upper class of Syrians who hold most of the power. In order to fully understand the political climate in Syria at the time, it is important to be aware of the terms established by the winners of World War I. The Sykes-Picot Agreement between the French and British left Syria under French control. This manipulative order was disguised behind the veil that the French would help the Ottoman Empire recover after their brutal loss in World War I. This led the charge of Faisal I, King of Syria, to change the positions of the French to allow Syria to continue self-government. Without surprise, Faisal found his pleas unsuccessful after the French ignored these demands. At this point, the fate of Syria was in the hands of the French. We will write a custom essay sample on Hanna Mina Fragments of Memory specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Hanna Mina Fragments of Memory specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Hanna Mina Fragments of Memory specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer An example of France’s control in Syria comes when he family begins to cultivate mulberry leaves to produce raw silk. This process is very difficult but they begin to understand it and actually make silk that could be sold.For the first time in the narrative, the family seem

Childhood Psycological Disorders

Childhood Psycological Disorders Free Online Research Papers Childhood psychological disorders can often be overlooked because a lot of people see childhood as a simple and carefree time without stress. Childhood disorders may even go undiagnosed because the parents or guardians will just label the child as being a brat, bad seed, baby, or whiner. They may even accuse the child of making things up or being a faker. When people DO admit that the child has a disorder, they often assume that the disorder is simply a miniature version of the adult disorder, and that its not as serious. The truth is that the disorders can be as debilitating, or even more debilitating to a child. One disorder that primarily affects children is Separation Anxiety Disorder. This disorder is characterized by excessive anxiety when separated from their home or caregiver. It can be so severe that the child refuses to leave home or let an adult out of their sight. In order to stay home, the child may experience or complain of physical symptoms, such as stomachaches or headaches. This disorder may develop if the childs parents have a divorce, after moving to a new place, after a prolonged illness in the child or a family member, or after a death in the family. Another disorder that is very serious in children is Childhood Depression. Childhood Depression can be characterized by sadness, hopelessness, guilt fatigue, low self-esteem, sleep disturbances, bad concentration, excessive crying, outbursts, antisocial behavior, and unexplainable aches. Children from all social classes can suffer from Depression. In severe cases, Childhood Depression can lead to suicide, which is the third leading cause of death for children between the ages of eight and thirteen. Family environment, as well as genetics, can cause this disorder. An extremely serious, and often undiagnosed, disorder is Conduct Disorder. This disorder can be characterized by repeat aggressive behavior, fire starting, bullying, vandalizing, breaking and entering, theft, running away, and skipping school. It affects between eight and ten percent of males, and two to five percent of females, and can go undiagnosed because a lot of people see the kids as bad kids. When people stop believing that the children can be good, the children will stop believing it too, and the disorder will progress even further. A disorder that is similar to, but less severe than, Conduct Disorder is Oppositional Defiance Disorder. This is characterized by blaming others when mistakes are made, unwillingness to compromise, defiance of adult authority, and stubbornness. The onset of this disorder is gradual, and starts with very mild symptoms, but if left undiagnosed it can escalate to the severity of conduct disorder. This may lead to behavior later in life that can lead to arrest, injury, or death. On the other side of the diagnostic spectrum is Attention Deficit (Hyperactive) Disorder. This is a very well known condition that is one the most overdiagnosed disorders ever. Signs of this disorder may be; inattention, problems in school, forgetfulness, disorganization, impulse behavior, and compulsive speaking. Its estimated that about three to five percent of school aged children are affected, and that most of that number are boys. It could be caused by a combination of heredity and environmental problems. Eating disorders are also found in children, but they tend to differ from the eating disorders found in teenagers and adults. One such disorder is Pica, which causes the child to eat non-foods, like paper, coins, and dirt, for more than one month. Rumination is another eating disorder that causes the child to regurgitate and rechew their food. These eating disorders can be caused by abuse, depression, or use of drugs. Phobias can affect anyone, but in children they can be particularly bad for two reasons. One is that the child can not express their fear through words in the same way that an adult can because they may not have the correct vocabulary to do so. Another reason is that people tend to confuse a childs phobias with common, normal, childhood fears. The difference between phobias and fears, is that fears can usually be outgrown with little, or more commonly, no type of treatment, whereas phobias cannot just disappear or be outgrown. Phobias may be characterized by a fear that is so severe that it interrupts daily life. For example, a child may be so scared of something that they refuse to leave their room or home in the fear that they may come in contact with what they are afraid of. There are also disorders that affect children, but are usually not diagnosed until the teen or adult years. Manic depression is one such disorder, and it can cause very extreme mood swings. Another disorder is Schizophrenia, which can cause delusions, hallucinations, social withdrawal, and disordered thinking. Tourettes syndrome is another, and it can cause repeated involuntary movement and uncontrollable vocal tics. Finally, there are some disorders that affect children that dont fit the critera for any named disorder. This is what doctors call Child Disorder NOS. The symptoms can be anything from signs of phobia to conduct disorder, but theres either not enough symptoms to diagnose a certain disorder, or theres a behavioral anomaly that would not be present in the disorder. Childhood is not always a simple, carefree time without stress. There are children that live with disorders that can be so stressful that it leads them to violence or suicide. These disorders cause them emotional and mental stress that may affect them all the way through their lives. Research Papers on Childhood Psycological DisordersEffects of Television Violence on ChildrenPersonal Experience with Teen PregnancyThe Effects of Illegal ImmigrationInfluences of Socio-Economic Status of Married MalesHip-Hop is ArtThe Relationship Between Delinquency and Drug UseStandardized TestingComparison: Letter from Birmingham and CritoArguments for Physician-Assisted Suicide (PAS)Genetic Engineering

Evaluating the Effectiveness of the Special Court for Sierra Leone Essay

Evaluating the Effectiveness of the Special Court for Sierra Leone - Essay Example After the end of the conflict, the citizens of Sierra Leone wanted the individual responsible for the conflict and the atrocities that followed to be held accountable for their actions and face justice. Nevertheless, the country at the time did not have an established judicial system and the necessary infrastructure to bring these perpetrators into book (Nzongola-Ntalaja 2000). Furthermore, the existence of Lome Peace Agreement of 1999 was a big hindrance to the courts in the country to indict the alleged perpetrators as they were given a blanket amnesty by the aforementioned agreement. For this reason, there was an urgent need to form a court that would be capable of addressing the situation in the country, thus, the formation of The Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL). The United Nations Security Council and the government of Sierra Leone agreed to form The Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) which was established in the year 2002 on a request from Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, the then president of Sierra Leone. Unlike the courts established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with the perpetrators of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide, the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) was able to dispense a diverse judicial model hence characterized as a hybrid tribunal so to speak. The main aim of the special court for Sierra Leone was to deal with the post conflict justice expeditiously, and in a more economical way unlike the local courts and tribunals in the country which were slow and more expensive, not to mention their inability to respond to the plight of the citizens in the country (Murphy 2003). This court was characterized by new ways of handling judicial processes in the post conflict situations. Such characteristics include the pressure to accomplish its mandate expeditiously, use of a very tight budget, and its location. Discussion The composition of the court includes both international and local judges, counsel, and employees. This composition allows the court to administer justice without undue influence from the domestic or international pressure. The mandate of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) is to try the persons suspected of having the greatest responsibility in perpetrating the violence that ensued in Sierra Leone during the 11 years conflict. It is worth noting that this special court is independent in its operation from the domestic legal system of Sierra Leone and as such, the court uses limited statutory guidelines from the country’s criminal law and heavily depend on international humanitarian law in its proceedings (Stover 2005). The Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) statute empowers the court to prosecute violations of Article 3 under the Geneva Convention, international humanitarian law violations, and crimes against humanity. One of the major strengths witnessed in the operation of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) is the responsiveness of the court i n the witness protection and management, since most of them are victims of the atrocities that ensued in Sierra Leone. The court has continued to ensure that the witness feel protected and safe during and after their testimony. This has been done by involving a variety of security resources as well as new psychosocial support program. The

The Layoff Procedure and the Effect of Layoff on Remaining Workers Assignment

The Layoff Procedure and the Effect of Layoff on Remaining Workers - Assignment Example Any organization especially those formed for the purpose of profit has different stakeholders (like shareholders, owners, the top management, employees, creditors etc). it could be said that workers have conflicting interests with the management and or stakeholders and owners. The former seeks to hold a secure job with maximum compensation and other benefits while the latter group is focused on cutting costs and developing a lean organization able to cope up the increasingly global business environment. If the economy is healthy, a fine balance can be achieved between these two conflicts. But factors beyond the control of an organization like competition and more severe recession on a national and global scale can force the management to bring down expenses through such procedures like layoffs. While the management generally goes about this procedure with a level of cold and inhuman attitude, it is the workers that bear the blunt (economic and social) of being left without a job. Thi s section deals with the attitude of the workers subject to layoffs. There could be genuine reasons why such an action is taken by the management. For example, a worker or a group of employees may not be up to the mark of performance criteria set up by the organization. According to a business article, such actions can even extend to acts of insubordination. These can be justified that workers have gone against the common good of that organization. But in other instances, layoffs occur due to no fault of the employee. In such cases, the mindset of those affected can be encapsulated as follows – â€Å"No matter the cause for dismissal, telling a worker that his or her services are no longer required is a difficult statement to make. You may cushion the blow with praise, you may justify it with numbers, or you may cite the worker's poor performance as the reason, but no matter what you say to the fired employee and no matter how you explain it, the end result can be devastatin g to both parties involved† (Davis, 2009).

OB Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

OB - Assignment Example Initially, when one is trying to influence others, resistance occurs. This was obviously demonstrated in the film when Juror number 8 stated the reasons why he voted for the â€Å"not guilty† verdict against the boy who was accused of killing his father. Given the responsibility to weigh the facts presented during the trial, Fonda’s character in the movie questioned these facts that were presented during the trial. He tried to make sense of the various situations that were probably not given as much argument in the courtroom by demonstration. There was also the pressure tactic that Fonda’s character used in the film when he made the other men realize the weight of the â€Å"not guilty† verdict to the boy. Should the law execute the boy for a crime he did not commit since the jury decided to deliver a guilty verdict, his precious life would be wasted. Although some of the jurors remain oblivious of this horrible fate that the boy would end up with when they give a guilty verdict, there were still a few who could not afford to have a young man be put on an electric chair especially when during trial, there exists a reasonable doubt about the testimonies and evidences that were presented. On the basis of the rational persuasion tactic that was evidently used by Fonda’s character to influence the other members of the jury, his subtle way of disagreeing to the rest of the jury’s decision of the verdict has greatly affected their opinion of him in the application of reason in decision-making. His character did not show any aggressive behavior in making the others understand his judgment on the case, particularly with the accused. Only when there were several members of the jury believed in his reasons did he start to become aggressive in influencing the rest of the jury who thought the boy was guilty of killing his father. Unlike other members of the jury who were influenced by their own personal judgments and prejudices, Fonda’s

The Two Main Theories Of Nationalism Politics Essay

The Two Main Theories Of Nationalism Politics Essay During this assignment I will discuss the two main theories of nationalism and how it came about. The two main theories I will discuss are primordial ad constructivism. The fundamental definitions of nationalism will be primarily defined independently; afterwards nationalism will be justified as not being exclusive to any one of these theories but instead that they are linked together due to the complexity of politics and social transformation. Primordial nationalism is the theory that nations have a national identity embedded, nations are rooted in a common cultural heritage and language  [1]  where nationalism is not an ideology and that it is natural and instinctive. The constructivists theory states that national identity is forged in response to social and historical circumstances where it has an ideological basis for it to exist this also extends to the idea of nationalism used through the political dimensions and state power to achieve political objectives which is a polit ical ideological system.  [2]   Ideology In order to discuss the difficulties of defining nationalism it is essential we understand what ideology is. Ideology is an inherently subjective collection of ideas, or concepts, about how power should be, or is, ordered within society  [3]  . This ideology is to be understood by great masses of people, and it is about how to use power within a society. Primordial Nationalism: Primordial nationalism focuses on historic and inherent social practices as the source of the roots of its nation. The most fundamental factors of primordial nationalism are: That people are inherently group orientated and nations are a product of this. National identity is forged by common descent, shared language and a sense of territorial belonging. Nations are historical entities Nationalism is characterised by deep emotional attachments that resemble kinship ties. individuals identify with families, villages, regions, age, sex groups, classes, religions, ethnic and national communities  [4]   Such views are shared with philosophers such as Johann Herder who argues that each nation has a volksgeist which is the spirit of the people which expresses itself through song, myths and legends.  [5]   Anthony Smith, The Ethnic sources of Nationalism Anthony Smith advances the studies of primordial nationalism emphasising the continuity with modern nations and pre modern ethnic communities which he calls Ethnies  [6]  . He views pre modern ethnic communities as a template for modern states. For a nation to be present he believes that the most fundamental factors in achieving nationalism are namesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦myth of a common ancestryà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦importance of historical memoriesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦shared cultureà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦attachment to a specific territory [and]à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ finally an element of solidarity  [7]  . From Anthony smith beliefs, there are three basic processes of ethno national transformation which is the transition from Ethnies to an ethnic nation. Ethno-nationalism is the ideology of uniting an ethno-cultural group with territory by way of genealogy  [8]  . The first process is called Vernacular Mobilization which involves the rediscovery of indigenous traditions, customs, symbols, memories and language by ethnic intellectuals. E.g. Quebecois nationalist movement. The second process is known as Cultural Politicization, in which the communitys cultural heritage is treated as a political resource, where what use to be regarded as traditions now become weapons in a cultural war waged both against outsiders and against the guardians of tradition e.g. Indian nationalism. The third process is known as ethnic purification which is a consequence of the other two processes. It begins with a return to the popular vernacular which is used specifically for political purposes and incorporates a belief in the sanctity of that culture. To preserve the culture it must be kept away from undesirable influences  [9]  . A good example of primordial nationalism is the Rwandan genocide in 1994 where in and around 800 people were murdered. It is argued that it was due to ethnicity and rivals between ethnic groups. The Hutu which were an ethnic group in Rwanda felt they needed to kill their ethnic neighbours the Tutsi so they could gain establishment and distinction of others ethnic identities. Constructivist theory: The constructivist theory states that national identity is forged in response to social and historical circumstances in which nationalism is a method of finding replacements for the loss of some cultural concepts. Constructivism links the origins of nationalism to the process of modernization. Constructivism can be related to three very important themes which are: The emergence of industrial economies which created new social tensions and broke traditional social bonds which begged the need for a national identity for the people. States play an important role in creating a sense of national identity which constructs a nation. The spread of mass education and mass literacy was a massive contribution towards national identity.  [10]   Ernst Gellner, Nations and Nationalism Ernst Gellner a philosopher stated that emerging industrial societies promoted social mobility and competition which inevitably required a new source of cultural cohesion which was to be provided by nationalism. Nationalism invented the nation not the other way around, Having a nation is not an inherent attribute of humanity but it has now come to appear as such  [11]  . He illustrates and discusses a nation in which for two men to be in the same nation requires two things: Common culture, as in a mutual understanding of each others meanings Recognition of mutual rights and duties to each other and virtue of shared membership in it. Benidict Anderson, Imagined Communities Benidict Anderson, an Irish academic, views nations as an imagined community  [12]  where individuals only meet a fraction of those with whom they share a national identity with. His theory of imagined communities suggests that nationalism is constructed through common literacy, common language, education, mass media and political socialization and that a nation as a community can only be imagined due to the sheer number of people who never see each other and the loss off supranational religions and political identities. It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their the minds of each lives the image of their communion.  [13]   Constructivism through political views In re-constructing the political order of a society it is essential to have new ideologies, this has led to modern nations being built on philosophical grounds. A good example of this would be the USA which was founded on the principals of liberalism  [14]  . Once this ideological basis has being formed a historical identity is creation for the nation. Through this new discovery of the past cultural bonds and an essence of relationship between people is formed. Constructivism portrays nationalism quite clearly as an ideology. An extension to the constructivism theory is the political view of nationalism which states that nationalism has its objective of gaining and using state power. This form of nationalism relates to political movements already existing in states where they use the concept of the nation where the interests of the nation are supposed to take priority over all other interests where the nation has full sovereignty. Realistically its a response to the distinction between state and society, nationalism eliminates the distinction between cultural and political life where it soon becomes a dictatorship. Political Nationalism utilizes the perceived culture of society for the purpose of gaining political power.  [15]   Eric Hobsbawm, The invention of Tradition Marxists such as Eric Hobsbawm tend to view nationalism as a device through which the ruling class counters the threat of social revolution by ensuring that national loyalty is stronger than class solidarity thereby binding the working class to the existing power structure. Hobsbawm beliefs are that nations and nationalism is a product of modernism and have been created as a means to political and economic ends  [16]  . He discusses the inventions of tradition which are products of social creation which are engineered to serve the interests of the elites. After the invention those traditions establish continuity and use history as a legitimate action and cement a groups cohesion  [17]  . When a state is under pressure they would target class, church and the nation where they transferred people into citizens of a particular state, peasants into Frenchmen  [18]  . He believes that nationalism does not make states visa versa that states make nations. Hobsbawm argues that, at the time of the French revolution In 1789 only have of the people spoke some French and between 12%-13% spoke it fairly  [19]  . Nationalism is created at the top. True nationalist feelings will only occur if the needs of the average person can be achieved from it.  [20]   A good example of this would be Bismarckian unification with Germany in 1871. The inventions of traditions manifested with the concepts of cultural, political and military supremacy in which it could claim the right to be united as a single greater German state. This unification was the only historical experience which the citizens had in common. The Franco-German war was central as Germany had a national tradition which they clearly wanted to emphasise, they emphasised it through ceremonials and rituals invented. One gymnasium record there were no less than 10 ceremonies between august 1895 and march 1896 recalling the 25th anniversary of the Franco-Prussian war. Posen Barry Nationalism, the Mass Army, and Military Power Posen another philosopher argues that nationalism is caused due to preparation of war and mass mobilization warfare. Nationalism is purveyed by states for the express purpose of improving their military capabilities  [21]  . Nationalism helps generate the individual commitment to make for military combat. The anarchical condition of international relations revolves around his idea of nationalism and why it is constructed. There are two aspects to his idea of nationalism which constitute literacy and ideology which are subject to state action, states institute compulsory education and engage in propaganda because military and political leaders believe that such ideas enhance the commitment of the groups to the purpose of the war to increase their willingness to sacrifice their lives  [22]  . He discusses the war between Prussia and France emphasising how large masses when used, needed nationalism where people were bred not trained. Political propaganda was used through journals and pamphlets which were often read aloud. There was an increased emphasis in literacy within the army as criterion for promotion. In 1794 it was made compulsory for commissioned and non- commissioned officers to read and write. John Lynn stated that these efforts were highly successful. Not only did they contribute to the well- known elan of these French troops, but they encouraged a rise in self- and group-imposed standards of performance and sacrifice. These standards facilitated the rapid training of these French troops, which he concludes was critical to their developing combat power. Without strong normative compliance, large scale reliance on open-order combat would have been out of the question. Conclusion Through my studies of nationalism and its main theoretical approaches I have come to the understanding and conclusion that nationalism is neither exclusively constructed or primordial, that it is a combination of these two theoretical approaches which forms the concept of nationalism. I believe that nationalism is founded primarily naturally and that the need to build a fundamental power structure influences the ignition of constructivism. Primordial nationalism acts a building block towards constructivism, without either of these two theoretical approaches nationalism would not exist.

The Stranger Cultural Analysis Essay -- Literary Analysis

This Novel, by Albert Camus, traces a year in the life of a young clerk, Meursault, in the 1940s who works for a shipping company in Algiers. The first thing that happens to Meursault is that he gets a telegram that his mother has departed. He takes a bus to see her and they hold the vigil. He shows no expression of remorse or sadness. Once back in Algiers Meursault goes to the public beach for a swim. There, he runs into Marie Cardona, his former co-worker. They decide to go on a date and they see a comedy movie, which is ironic after his mother’s death, and they sleep together during the night. The next day he spends just watching people in the street. That next day Meursault returns to work and works all day and while at his apartment Meursault runs into Salamano, an old man who lives in his building and owns a mangy dog. He also runs into his neighbor Raymond, who is suspected to be a pimp. Raymond invites Meursault to dinner and asks Meursault to write a nasty letter to t his girl who cheated on Raymond, and Meursault complies. The next Saturday Marie comes over and asks if Meursault loves her, he doesn’t love her and doesn’t show it, and at night Meursault runs into Salamano who is crying over his dog who ran away. The following Sunday Meursault, Marie, and Raymond go to a beach house owned by Masson, one of Raymonds friends. They run into the girl’s, of whom they wrote the letter to, brothers and a knife is pulled on Raymond and cuts him. They both go different ways and later Meursault shoots one of the girl’s brothers. Meursault is then sent to jail and put on trial. He shows no remorse and over time he goes through more trials after being in prison for over a year and he is sentenced to death by the guillotine. The setting... ... has done, and to free him from his entanglement. Works Cited Bufacchi, Vittorio, and Laura Fairrie. "Execution as Torture." Peace Review 13.4 (2001): 511-517. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 26 Apr. 2011. Camus, Albert, and Matthew Ward. The Stranger. New York: Knopf, 1993. Print. 24 Apr. 2011. de Cavarlay, Bruno Aubusson. "Can criminal statistics still be of scientific use? The French criminal justice system 1813-1980." Historical Methods 26.2 (1993): 69. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 26 Apr. 2011. Scherr, Arthur. "Camus's THE STRANGER." Explicator 59.3 (2001): 149. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 24 Apr. 2011. Scott, Nathan A. Albert Camus. New York: Hillary House, 1962. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 24 Apr. 2011. Strange, Alice J. "Camus' The Stranger." Explicator 56.1 (1997): 36. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 24 Apr. 2011.

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Name : Nguyen Cong Duy Class : AE2a A Happy Campus A happy campus is an interesting and happy place to study and relax. People feel comfortable when they come here. A happy city is well-designed and there are many good facilities. There are also many places for education environment. Many people come from over the world. People in a happy campus want to create a active environment. Although they may come from difference backgrounds, they are able to respect each other and share ideas.They can enjoy influences from other cultures such as different languages, and take part in multicultural events. There are many good facilities in a happy campus. Campus has a big space with sports facilities such as: four artificial football field, one swimming pool, one badminton field, one basketball court, one tennis court and gyms, and campus has green trees and friendly environment which students can take a rest and play team sports to relax after stressed study hours.Some good equipment in happy campus need to study such as: computer library, projectors, television, sports facilities and a lot of books which are good for students with their free time. A happy campus need to have a good education environment. There are many clubs for students to join such as commerce, English, finance and marketing clubs in their free time. In addition, students can study group in free time and take part in outside activities such as: playing team sports, going swimming and playing active games together which were created by students.

Economic Interest as a Guideline for U.S. Foreign Policy in Latin America †History Essay

Economic Interest as a Guideline for U.S. Foreign Policy in Latin America – History Essay Free Online Research Papers Economic Interest as a Guideline for U.S. Foreign Policy in Latin America History Essay The United States foreign policy in Latin America is based in a desire to protect US economic interests there. While national security, ideology, and domestic policy are factors that influence US foreign policy in the region as well, they still reflect the desire of the United States to maintain a Latin America that jives with a capitalist, United States economy friendly vision. When the United States has pursued a policy in Latin America that becomes justified mostly by ideology rather than a need for protection of economic interests, efforts are made to redefine the policy from within a framework of an economic relationship. When it becomes plausible to introduce legislation that suggests creating a policy with a Latin American country whose focus lies in creating better trade and investment relations, it supports that of the existing policy. This is because the policy was created in response to a situation where the capitalist relations that the United States desired with the country were not possible or approaching such a situation. In 1824 the United States issued the Monroe Doctrine, stating the United States invitation for European powers to stay out of the western hemisphere and should they not, the United States may, at any time, intervene. This is a policy that was motivated by national security and economic interests. Yet as the first real bit of attention the United States paid to Latin America, it was not really foreign policy toward Latin America. The Monroe Doctrine was issued as a statement of foreign policy toward (or more appropriately against) Europe. As an action in the interest of national security, however, there was little for the Monroe Doctrine to deter and indeed â€Å"the perceived threats were greatly exaggerated by Americans at the time.† The United States interest in Latin American relations was sparked by the opportunity to promote and maintain the United States economic interests in the independent Latin America that no longer adhered to Spanish-imposed trade restrictions. The United States, then under Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, sought to establish diplomatic relations with several states of Latin America in 1821. This was the extent to which the United States pursued some formal policy in Latin America, only securing United States trade interests, but not vigorously creating or opening new markets. The isolationist United States opted to maintain minimum interaction to ensure stable trade. Today an isolationist United States seems not only unlikely, but more close to impossible. As a young nation the United States was satisfied with the stable trading it enjoyed with its southern neighbors, until, of course, that stability was threatened. In 1898 Senator Henry Teller looked to protect his constituents who were sugar beet growers from the competition of the profitable sugar cane industry in Cuba by proposing the anti-annexation amendment to the war resolution concerning Cuba. While this avoided problems with Teller’s constituents, it also left an ambiguous place for the official status of Cuba after the war was over. The war for Cuban independence was over and though the United States would not annex Cuba as a territory, this did not mean that Cuba would become automatically a sovereign state. Cuba’s autonomous government would be developed very much with strings attached. From the United States’ point of view, the Cuban government could not be expe cted to develop democratically and tranquilly on its own without being vulnerable. The United States continued to occupy Cuba for several years until the Platt Amendment could be foisted upon the island, giving the United States â€Å"the right to intervene for†¦the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty.† Hereafter Cuba was independent as long as it behaved well. The United States would be able to control the government and economy of Cuba, which was preferable because the United States could manipulate politics and trade in Cuba to comply with the economic interests of the United States. The era of Latin American independence from Spain spurned a ripple of political turmoil that even today makes waves. During and leading up the Spanish-American War, the United States had not yet developed an ideological rhetoric that influenced foreign policy and so responded to the Cuban-Spanish conflict on the most practical level. The conflict was affecting US trade and it seemed that a free Cuba would offer wider and more consistent trade opportunities. In 1896 the secretary of state of the United States issued a statement â€Å"describing the disruptive effect of the conflict on US economic interests and the dangers faced by US citizens living in Cuba† and â€Å"politely suggested that the Spanish permit limited home rule.† While several events precipitated U.S. involvement in the Cuban-Spanish conflict (lobbies, yellow journalism, explosion on the Maine), President Cleveland recognized the importance of U.S. trading and investment in the region, and that a prolonged conflict would compromise these interest. In other words, while other circumstances may have encouraged the conflict, the initial interest in Cuba and eventual engagement in war was based on the US interest in protecting individual US citizens’ investments and the US economy as a whole, which stood to lose out because of the civil conflict. After the United States took control of Cuba from Spain, the negotiation of settling Cuban independence was still primarily controlled by United States desire to ensure a trouble free trade zone: the Platt Amendment allowed the US to intervene in Cuban affairs whenever it deemed necessary. This marked the beginning of a model of US policy that would be tried and true by the birth of the Cold War. The idea of a canal in Central America connecting the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific was many years in coming when France finally decided to begin building one in Panama. The United States had been researching the possibility of building a canal as well, but in Nicaragua. The benefits of a canal were obvious: a route that does not include circumventing all of South America in order to ship goods to the pacific coast increases trade and lowers shipping costs, which in turn secures and expands United States economic interests in the United States. Eventually, France abandoned its beginning of a canal for lack of money and left it to United States to pick up the slack. Colombia, however, was unwilling to accept the United States treaty that would allow them to control the canal after it was built. In this case the United States proceeded to insert itself in Latin American affairs in the hopes of creating and controlling trade instead of protecting existing interests. The Panama Canal was not an economic interest of the United States’ insofar as they had no formal right to it, but stabilizing a revolutionary state could obtain it the right to that interest. The United States assisted the independence of Panama from Colombia in exchange for a treaty that satisfied the United States desire to build and control a canal there. And in the process it also managed to cross the line between protecting its economic interests and being an economic imperialist. President Taft, in his valedictory message said that his policy had been â€Å"directed to the increase of American Trade upon the axiomatic principle that the Government of the United States shall extend all proper support to every legitimate and beneficial American enterprise abroad.† The United States was involved in dozens of interventional actions in Latin America during the19th and 2oth century, and â€Å"every case began with US government intervention, after which the government officials brokered a financial arrangement between the intervened Latin American government and the US private sector.† The Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine is yet another response to an economic interest. By claiming the right to essentially manage the foreign debt of any Latin American country that could not do so itself, the United States skillfully inserted itself into what amounted to a debt crisis in Latin America. US citizens had invested in the asphalt industry in Venezuela, and like France and Germany, were demanding their repayment. The United States stepped in and took control of financial matters, as it had in the Dominican Republic and as it would in Nicaragua. Interventions took on large and small matters: In 1853 â€Å"Marines landed on the Atlantic coast to settle a dispute between Vanderbilt’ trust company and local Nicaraguan Authorities. They resolved it in Vanderbilt’s favor of course.† The United States â€Å"intervened twenty-one times between 1898 and 1924.† The fear of enduring a Chile under the auspices of a socialist and possible communist, no matter how democratically elected was cause for alarm enough for the United States government embark on an aggressive campaign to make sure that the fairly elected Salvador Allende was not able to establish a sovereign, independent, and respected administration. The type of government that Allende was representing threatened to influence a trend in the rest of the region which would deteriorate the efforts towards capitalist free trade that the US still pursues today. After failing to throw his election, the US idea was to destroy the Chilean economy, kill Allende and replace him with the military dictator Augusto Pinochet. The argument that Robert Pastor happens to presents in favor of NAFTA is absolutely applicable to the situation of Cuba. He postulates that rejecting it â€Å"would reinforce authoritarianism; accepting it would raise the cost of electoral fraud. It would be very difficult to keep the political system closed if the economic system was opening.† Legislation being introduced by several Congress members at this time to lift the embargo on Cuba use this argument as a basis for their proposal to change the means of United States foreign policy to effect the same end that was desired before. The United States relationship with Cuba is being re-evaluated by those in the government through a lens that focuses on the economic opportunity that lay there for their constituents while at the same time suggesting what has been seen to happen in other Latin American countries: a opening of the political system that can be interpreted as a democratization. This is indeed the United States’ goal in Cuba and a re-evaluation of the failing US policy toward Cuba was brought to the drawing board after 30 plus years because of the realization that Cuba represents a lucrative market for US farmers and industries. As the United States’ policy toward Cuba became ineffective and stale, the framework to suggest a change had to come from and trade point of view. Economic is th e only driving force powerful enough to challenge a way of doing things that is based on nothing more than and aging ideology that is floundering without economic benefits to back it. Although there may be perturbations in relations with Latin America that alter the nature of US policies there, these will be modified and re-hauled with the goal of edging out the economic advantage in mind. Indeed, in a near conflict-less relationship, international relations with Latin America are based on creating a strong trade relationship, as in the case of Mexico. For the United States, Mà ©xico has represented a comparatively stable political and economic environment. It can hardly be argued that Mà ©xico has maintained a democratic operation but because Mà ©xico has been able to maintain political stability in the form of calculated control, US foreign policy towards Latin America focuses primarily on developing trade and investment. Mà ©xico has preferred to limit its relations with the US, but the perpetuation of the â€Å"revolution† as inherent in Mà ©xico and its development helped the elites keep social upheaval at bay. The United States was never alarmed by instability in Mà ©xico and so had no reason to go there and â€Å"promote democracy†. Despite a revolution, a debt crisis, and a peso crisis, Mà ©xico is a â€Å"country historically cautious about relations with its powerful northern neighbor,† but United States’ effort to alleviate the stress of Mà ©xico’s economic shortcomings have bee n welcomed and social unrest has been successful oppressed. When he took office, United States President Carter wanted to make the US relationship with Mà ©xico a priority in order to â€Å"restore the financial community’s confidence in Mà ©xico.† The discovery of oil in Mà ©xico around the same time ensured this. Negotiations ensued over United States investment in the newly discovered resource. When the economic interests behind US involvement in a Latin American government become obsolete, instead of abandoning the policy, the United States tends to let the policy stand on the feet of security and ideology. When ideology is the only force behind a policy it can be neutral or even detrimental to US economic interests. When this has become apparent in US history, the policy tends to be questioned and eventually redefined within the context of US economic interest. This is the case is Cuba, where after 40 years of embargo, several bills are being introduced in the Congress that repeal the embargo. Although the wording of the bills suggest that opening US markets to Cuba will be a more effective way to undermine the Castro regime that the embargo (which very well may be true), there are other interests that are more compelling for the congressman that are involved. Many of them are from states where the businesses such as agriculture will benefit greatly from trade with the Cu ban market. There was no compelling reason, according to John Quincy Adams and many of his contemporaries, to actively pursue diplomacy south of the United States. Only when it was inconvenient for the United States to endure the turmoil that lay south, so to speak, did the US intervene in the region. As US-Latin American relations matured and the United States intervened as an authority, an accompanying ideology began to develop that superceded this tenet. Just as in the Platt Amendment, the US began seeking, whether deliberately or not, insurance for long term compliance. The reasoning that Latin Americans are a people that must be herded along and that they need the structure that the United States has to offer in order to save them from themselves was invoked over years. United States ideology developed as a belief that United States’ model of government and culture is the framework for a society where the United States has the reasonable and noble interest of protecting its citizens’ interests in trade and investment. These guidelines or expectations that delineate the ideal United States neighbor became an ideology that justified United States policies through moral and humanistic lenses. United States ideology derived from a need to support its pursuit of economic interests. As a young nation on a frontier, Manifest Destiny was the main way to describe the future of the United States development in the early nineteenth century. Having more land increased the wealth and expanded the economy of the United States. Manifest Destiny justified for many Americans their right to do so. In the 20th century the promotion of democracy was and continues to be a central focus of United States goals for Latin America. In between these two eras, the United States policies in Latin America have covered a wide range of levels of intervention, kind of intervention, and levels of power in relationships, but the driving force behind the seemingly amorphous stream of communication is finding the most efficient way to create wealth for Americans. â€Å"US leaders envisioned an international order wherein each and every nation would keep an ‘open door’ through which the capitalist businessmen could come and go at will† and â€Å"†¦peace and stability throughout the world were absolutely essential to the success of this ‘Open Door’ vision† Whereas â€Å"upheavals interrupted the free flow of trade,† political harmony facilitates it, and vice versa. Therefore, regardless of the reasoning and situation behind foreign policy in Latin America, an interest in maintaining and bettering the American economy lies at the base. 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